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Guest column: Eliminating plastics should not jeopardize food security

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Guest column: Eliminating plastics should not jeopardize food security

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By: Sylvain Charlebois

Plastic undoubtedly remains a significant environmental concern and there is a widespread consensus that it demands urgent attention.

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While addressing the widespread use of plastic bags and utensils presents relatively straightforward challenges, the real dilemma lies in addressing plastic packaging, particularly within the grocery store sector.

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This summer, the Canadian government introduced the Pollution Prevention (P2) planning notice, a targeted initiative aimed at primary plastic packaging used for food. P2 seeks to compel Canada’s largest grocery retailers to formulate pollution prevention strategies with a focus on reducing, reusing and reimagining primary food plastic packaging with a strong emphasis on incorporating recycled materials.

Kudos to the government for taking this vital step.

A striking statistic reveals that roughly a third of all plastic packaging in Canada pertains to grocery store food packaging, much of which is designed for single-use purposes. From juice boxes and produce bags to yogurt containers and meat trays, the sheer ubiquity of such packaging necessitates immediate action.

Initially, Environment and Climate Change Canada proposed voluntary industry targets, but it is not challenging to envision a progression toward more stringent obligations over time. However, recent developments indicate a notable shift in the approach’s tone as the industry’s commendable efforts to reduce plastics are seemingly undervalued.

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Story continues below
Article content

The ramifications of P2 could be profound for our access to fresh produce. Canada imports approximately $7 billion worth of fruit and $3.5 billion in vegetables annually.

International trade plays a pivotal role in ensuring affordable food for Canadians. While we export our food globally, we also depend on global markets for our sustenance. Hence, the economics of food packaging hold immense significance, both domestically and internationally.

Surprisingly, many foreign suppliers who provide produce to Canada remain unaware of P2 and its potential repercussions. Over the years, several food manufacturers, including Nestle, have exited the Canadian market for various reasons, withdrawing some brands. P2 could further discourage key suppliers that support our healthy aspirations.

A few years ago, a comprehensive assessment led by one of Canada’s foremost supply chain management and food waste experts, Martin Gooch, projected that ineffective packaging could lead to nearly half a million metric tonnes of increased food losses and waste compared to current levels, valued at $2.5 billion. It’s worth noting that this estimate is considered conservative.

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Story continues below
Article content

Significantly, the highest losses are anticipated in perishable commodities vulnerable to damage or those necessitating specialized packaging. Plastic packaging often extends the shelf life of products sensitive to ethylene, a natural ripening agent produced by fruits and vegetables. For example, carrots are susceptible to ethylene produced by neighbouring produce, which shortens their shelf life, affects their appearance and diminishes their taste.

Less appealing produce at retail translates to reduced consumer desirability.

The report’s findings were quite specific, indicating that beans would suffer the most significant increase in losses at 100 per cent, followed by soft berries and cucumbers at 90 per cent. Leafy greens (73 per cent), carrots (61 per cent), cherries and grapes (50 per cent), beets (45 per cent) and soft fruit (34 per cent) would also see substantial losses. Across the 20 commodities currently sold prepackaged in plastic, moving away from plastic packaging would result in a 17 per cent increase in loss.

In essence, the elimination of plastics could inadvertently impact food prices at retail.

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Story continues below
Article content

Environment and Climate Change Canada’s most significant oversight appears to be its failure to consider the unique logistical and trade realities of Canada. Less frequently mentioned is the fact that these changes would lead to increased labour requirements, higher operational costs and other forms of pollution, such as supply-chain emissions.

More comprehensive data and a thorough scientific evaluation of the consequences are unquestionably required.

There is no denying the urgency of eliminating plastics from grocery stores. However, it is equally vital to understand the potential repercussions of such actions.

Currently, it appears that Environment and Climate Change Canada is indifferent to the future blame that may be solely directed at the food industry for higher food prices when it was the implementation of the department’s policies that contributed to this outcome.

A more nuanced approach is undoubtedly warranted — one that adeptly balances environmental objectives with the economic and logistical realities of Canada’s food industry.

Sylvain Charlebois is a professor and senior director of the Agri-Food Analytics Lab at Dalhousie University and co-host of The Food Professor podcast.

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This Week in Flyers

Article content

By: Sylvain Charlebois

Plastic undoubtedly remains a significant environmental concern and there is a widespread consensus that it demands urgent attention.

Article content

While addressing the widespread use of plastic bags and utensils presents relatively straightforward challenges, the real dilemma lies in addressing plastic packaging, particularly within the grocery store sector.

Advertisement 2
Story continues below
Article content

This summer, the Canadian government introduced the Pollution Prevention (P2) planning notice, a targeted initiative aimed at primary plastic packaging used for food. P2 seeks to compel Canada’s largest grocery retailers to formulate pollution prevention strategies with a focus on reducing, reusing and reimagining primary food plastic packaging with a strong emphasis on incorporating recycled materials.

Kudos to the government for taking this vital step.

A striking statistic reveals that roughly a third of all plastic packaging in Canada pertains to grocery store food packaging, much of which is designed for single-use purposes. From juice boxes and produce bags to yogurt containers and meat trays, the sheer ubiquity of such packaging necessitates immediate action.

Initially, Environment and Climate Change Canada proposed voluntary industry targets, but it is not challenging to envision a progression toward more stringent obligations over time. However, recent developments indicate a notable shift in the approach’s tone as the industry’s commendable efforts to reduce plastics are seemingly undervalued.

Advertisement 3
Story continues below
Article content

The ramifications of P2 could be profound for our access to fresh produce. Canada imports approximately $7 billion worth of fruit and $3.5 billion in vegetables annually.

International trade plays a pivotal role in ensuring affordable food for Canadians. While we export our food globally, we also depend on global markets for our sustenance. Hence, the economics of food packaging hold immense significance, both domestically and internationally.

Surprisingly, many foreign suppliers who provide produce to Canada remain unaware of P2 and its potential repercussions. Over the years, several food manufacturers, including Nestle, have exited the Canadian market for various reasons, withdrawing some brands. P2 could further discourage key suppliers that support our healthy aspirations.

A few years ago, a comprehensive assessment led by one of Canada’s foremost supply chain management and food waste experts, Martin Gooch, projected that ineffective packaging could lead to nearly half a million metric tonnes of increased food losses and waste compared to current levels, valued at $2.5 billion. It’s worth noting that this estimate is considered conservative.

Advertisement 4
Story continues below
Article content

Significantly, the highest losses are anticipated in perishable commodities vulnerable to damage or those necessitating specialized packaging. Plastic packaging often extends the shelf life of products sensitive to ethylene, a natural ripening agent produced by fruits and vegetables. For example, carrots are susceptible to ethylene produced by neighbouring produce, which shortens their shelf life, affects their appearance and diminishes their taste.

Less appealing produce at retail translates to reduced consumer desirability.

The report’s findings were quite specific, indicating that beans would suffer the most significant increase in losses at 100 per cent, followed by soft berries and cucumbers at 90 per cent. Leafy greens (73 per cent), carrots (61 per cent), cherries and grapes (50 per cent), beets (45 per cent) and soft fruit (34 per cent) would also see substantial losses. Across the 20 commodities currently sold prepackaged in plastic, moving away from plastic packaging would result in a 17 per cent increase in loss.

In essence, the elimination of plastics could inadvertently impact food prices at retail.

Advertisement 5
Story continues below
Article content

Environment and Climate Change Canada’s most significant oversight appears to be its failure to consider the unique logistical and trade realities of Canada. Less frequently mentioned is the fact that these changes would lead to increased labour requirements, higher operational costs and other forms of pollution, such as supply-chain emissions.

More comprehensive data and a thorough scientific evaluation of the consequences are unquestionably required.

There is no denying the urgency of eliminating plastics from grocery stores. However, it is equally vital to understand the potential repercussions of such actions.

Currently, it appears that Environment and Climate Change Canada is indifferent to the future blame that may be solely directed at the food industry for higher food prices when it was the implementation of the department’s policies that contributed to this outcome.

A more nuanced approach is undoubtedly warranted — one that adeptly balances environmental objectives with the economic and logistical realities of Canada’s food industry.

Sylvain Charlebois is a professor and senior director of the Agri-Food Analytics Lab at Dalhousie University and co-host of The Food Professor podcast.

Article content
Comments
You must be logged in to join the discussion or read more comments.
Create an AccountSign in
Join the Conversation

Postmedia is committed to maintaining a lively but civil forum for discussion and encourage all readers to share their views on our articles. Comments may take up to an hour for moderation before appearing on the site. We ask you to keep your comments relevant and respectful. We have enabled email notifications—you will now receive an email if you receive a reply to your comment, there is an update to a comment thread you follow or if a user you follow comments. Visit our Community Guidelines for more information and details on how to adjust your email settings.

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How a national security threat label has reignited Indonesia’s LGBTQ debate

Advertisement Asia How a national security threat label has reignited Indonesia’s LGBTQ debate Indonesia last October classified the “spread of LGBTQ culture” as one of the country’s non-military threats. A series of developments thrust the provision into the public eye this month, sparking a debate.   A street vendor walks past a banner reading ‘Indonesia

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How a national security threat label has reignited Indonesia’s LGBTQ debate

Indonesia last October classified the “spread of LGBTQ culture” as one of the country’s non-military threats. A series of developments thrust the provision into the public eye this month, sparking a debate.

 

How a national security threat label has reignited Indonesia's LGBTQ debate

A street vendor walks past a banner reading ‘Indonesia LGBT Emergency’ in front a mosque in Jakarta, Indonesia, January 25, 2018. (REUTERS/Beawiharta)


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21 Jul 2026 06:00AM
(Updated: 21 Jul 2026 10:59AM)



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SINGAPORE: For more than eight months, a provision tucked away in an Indonesian presidential regulation on national defence drew little public attention.

In an appendix to Presidential Regulation No. 111/2025 on the General National Defence Policy signed in October last year, the government classified the “spread of LGBTQ culture” as one of the country’s non-military threats. 

The clause, referring to lesbian, gay, bisexual, transsexual and queer culture, appeared alongside a range of other threats deemed capable of affecting national resilience. They included illegal trafficking, natural resource theft, terrorism, atheism and radicalism.

A presidential regulation is a legally binding regulation published in the State Gazette, while General National Defence Policy documents are highly technical and usually attract little public attention outside government and defence circles.

But a series of developments thrust the provision into the public eye this month, sparking a debate on the place of LGBTQ issues in state policy and the extent to which social issues should be framed within Indonesia’s defence strategy.

The issue quickly spread beyond social media into mainstream Indonesian media with national outlets including Antara, Kumparan, and Tempo examining the regulation and prompting public responses from senior government officials.

Some observers and activists say the clause could heighten discrimination against LGBTQ individuals in society, even as Indonesian ministers have defended the regulation while saying the government has no intention of curtailing the fundamental rights of citizens.

“As Indonesian citizens, LGBTQ people are entitled to education, employment, healthcare and other public services without restrictions, segregation or discrimination,” Indonesia’s Human Rights Minister Natalius Pigai told CNA in a phone interview.

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Indonesia’s Human Rights Minister Natalius Pigai. (Photo courtesy of Human Rights Ministry)

But he added that Indonesian society is not ready to accept the LGBTQ community, even as the state remains obliged to respect, protect and fulfil every citizen’s rights to education, employment, healthcare and public services.

“The time has not yet come to formally recognise them as an official group because society is not yet ready to accept them,” he said.

HOW THE CLAUSE CAME TO PUBLIC ATTENTION

While it remains unclear what first drew widespread attention to the provision, it resurfaced amid a series of developments involving LGBTQ issues. One was a Pride Month-themed social media post in mid-June by Suara Mahasiswa, a student publication at the University of Indonesia.

The post had led to a heated online debate, with critics arguing it was inconsistent with Indonesia’s religious and social norms. They questioned why it invoked the Pancasila national ideology to defend the LGBTQ community. Pancasila comprises five principles: Belief in one God, civilised humanity, national unity, democracy and social justice.

The backlash prompted the university to publicly distance itself from the post and launch an internal review.

Then in late June, the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) said it was preparing an academic paper and a draft bill to criminalise LGBTQ-related conduct for Parliament’s National Legislation Programme.

MUI deputy chairman Muhammad Cholil Nafis argued that moral appeals alone were no longer sufficient to curb what he described as the growing activities and campaign surrounding LGBTQ culture.

“If there are no legal penalties at all, it eventually becomes normal. We should not normalise it. Punishment helps people understand that it is not normal,” he said.

“Deviant activities, such as same-sex parties, are now increasingly being displayed openly in public without any sense of shame,” he added.

Scrutiny then shifted to the new regulation that had previously gone largely unnoticed.

The belated attention came as no surprise to Agus Wahyudi, head of the Inter-Religious Studies Programme at Gadjah Mada University (UGM) in Yogyakarta.

Documents such as the General National Defence Policy typically circulate within government bureaucracy and rarely become the subject of public debate, he said.

But a provision can take on political significance when a series of events – in this case, the Pride Month-themed social media post and the MUI’s planned bill – draws the public’s notice, said Agus.

“What changed was not necessarily the policy itself, but the public attention it attracted,” Agus said.

WHY WAS IT PLACED IN A NATIONAL DEFENCE DOCUMENT?

Asked whether the presidential regulation represented the first national policy to explicitly mention LGBTQ, human rights lawyer Asfinawati said Indonesia’s 2008 Pornography Law referred to “lesbian” and “homosexual” acts in its explanatory notes to a provision banning the production, distribution and sale of pornographic material.

It defined what the law described as “deviant sexual intercourse” for the purposes of pornography offences, rather than creating a standalone offence based on sexual orientation or gender identity.

Presidential Regulation No. 111/2025 goes further by classifying the “spread of LGBTQ culture” itself as a non-military threat, argued Asfinawati, the former chair of the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation.

“This regulation no longer links it to sexual conduct. Simply having a particular sexual orientation or gender identity is placed within a threat framework,” she said.

Experts have questioned whether a national defence framework was an appropriate instrument for addressing issues such as sexual orientation and gender identity.

In principle, national defence should focus on military threats, said Tangguh Chairil, a lecturer in security studies at the Department of International Relations at Binus University, Jakarta.

Indonesia, however, classifies threats into three categories: Military, non-military and hybrid. As a result, issues beyond the traditional defence sphere are increasingly viewed as national security issues.

“Because the definition is so broad, almost anything can be treated as a national security threat,” Tangguh told CNA.

Classifying LGBTQ culture as a non-military threat under a defence framework means the issue may be treated as a security concern requiring state attention and resources, he added.

“Issues that have been successfully securitised tend to receive greater attention than others,” he said.

Yusril Ihza Mahendra, Coordinating Minister for Legal Affairs, Human Rights, Immigration, and Corrections, told news outlet Tempo on Jul 9 that “non-military threat” was used to categorise risks against national resilience.

In the socio-cultural context, “resilience” refers to values, ethics, character of the younger generation, families, digital space, and social cohesion, he said.

“What the government perceives as a threat is the campaign, propaganda, and dissemination of LGBT behaviour aimed at altering the values that align with the nation’s culture and morality,” he added.

Indonesia’s Chief Minister for Law and Human Rights, Yusril Ihza Mahendra, speaks as Australia’s Minister for Home Affairs, Tony Burke, listens during a press conference following their meeting in Jakarta, Indonesia, December 3, 2024. (REUTERS/Willy Kurniawan)

Asfinawati said the regulation cannot serve as the legal basis for introducing new criminal provisions or for regional governments to impose criminal sanctions unless authorised by law.

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